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Revolution of 25 April 1974

  • 1 Revolution of 25 april 1974

       Refers to the events that began in the early morning hours of 25 April 1974, when the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) began military operations against the Estado Novo in the Lisbon area. Signals for action included the playing of two songs on a popular radio station's (Rádio Renascença) midnight program broadcast. The songs were Depois do Adeus and Grândola, Vila Morena. The latter song, sung on the record made by composer-singer José Afonso, had been banned by government censorship and was usually played only clandestinely. The military coup proceeded during the period from midnight to about 4:30 p.m. on the afternoon of 25 April, a rainy day, and met relatively little resistance from the Estado Novo's few remaining staunch defenders.
       Most of the drama was played out in the streets of Lisbon as MFA tanks, armored cars, and troops took positions and demanded the surrender of neutral or loyal forces. After Prime Minister Marcello Caetano had taken refuge in the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR) Carmo barracks, traditionally a place of sanctuary for government incumbents in previous military coup attempts, Caetano surrendered to the insurgent military forces. He was later flown to exile in Madeira, with President Américo Tómas, and then to Brazil. This date marks the end of the Estado Novo and the beginning of democratic Portugal. The 25th of April is an official national holiday.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Revolution of 25 april 1974

  • 2 Revolution of Carnations

       Refers to the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Carnations of many colors, but principally red because of the symbolism of red for leftist (including socialist and communist) views and action, were common in Lisbon flower shops during the rainy day of 25 April 1974, when the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) overthrew the Estado Novo. The carnation appeared to embody the peaceful, bloodless, almost romantic nature of the military coup, which met little or no resistance from the Estado Novo's last defenders. The only blood shed on 25 April was spilled when the Lisbon headquarters of the political police (DGS) fired into a surging crowd of procoup enthusiasts who rushed the front of the building; five persons died and several people were injured.
       When people began to give the MFA troops carnations to stick in their rifles, guns, and uniforms and on their helmets and caps, the idea of using the carnations as a symbol of the peaceful intentions of the MFA spread. Soon various parties and even the government adopted the symbol of red carnations, and this icon of change began to appear in graffiti on walls.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Revolution of Carnations

  • 3 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 4 Media

       The purpose of the media during the Estado Novo (1926-74) was to communicate official government policy. Therefore, the government strictly censored newspapers, magazines, and books. Radio and television broadcasting was in the hands of two state-owned companies: Radiodifusão Portuguesa (RDP) and Radiotelevisão Portuguesa (RTP). The first TV broadcasts aired in March 1957, and the official state visit of Queen Elizabeth II of Great Britain to Portugal was featured. The only independent broadcasting company during the Estado Novo was the Catholic Church's Radio Renascença. Writers and journalists who violated the regime's guidelines were severely sanctioned. Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, censorship was relaxed somewhat, and writers were allowed to publish critical and controversial works without fear of punishment. Caetano attempted to "speak to the people" through television. Daily program content consisted of little more than government-controlled (and censored) news programs and dull documentaries.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, censorship was abolished. As the revolution veered leftward, some sectors of the media were seized by opponents of the views they expressed. The most famous case was the seizure of Radio Renascença by those who sought to bring it into line with the drift leftward. State ownership of the media was increased after 25 April 1974, when banks were nationalized because most banks owned at least one newspaper. As the Revolution moderated and as banking was privatized during the 1980s and 1990s, newspapers were also privatized.
       The history of two major Lisbon dailies illustrates recent cycles of Portuguese politics and pressures. O Século, a major Lisbon daily paper was founded in 1881 and was influenced by Republican, even Masonic ideas. When the first Republic began in 1910, the editorials of O Século defended the new system, but the economic and social turmoil disillusioned the paper's directors. In 1924, O Século, under publisher João Pereira da Rosa, called for political reform and opposed the Democratic Party, which monopolized elections and power in the Republic. This paper was one of the two most important daily papers, and it backed the military coup of 28 May 1926 and the emergent military dictatorship. Over the history of the Estado Novo, this paper remained somewhat to the left of the other major daily paper in Lisbon, Diário de Notícias, but in 1972 the paper suffered a severe financial crisis and was bought by a Lisbon banker. During the more chaotic times after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, O Século experienced its own time of turmoil, in which there was a split between workers and editors, firings, resignations, and financial trouble. After a series of financial problems and controversy over procommunist staff, the paper was suspended and then ceased publication in February 1977. In the 1990s, there was a brief but unsuccessful attempt to revive O Século.
       Today, the daily paper with the largest circulation is Diário de Notícias of Lisbon, which was established in 1883. It became the major daily paper of record, but after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, like O Século, the paper suffered difficulties, both political and financial. One of its editors in the "hot" summer of 1975 was José Saramago, future Nobel Prize winner in literature, and there was an internal battle in the editorial rooms between factions. The paper was, like O Século, nationalized in 1976, but in 1991, Diário de Notícias was reprivatized and today it continues to be the daily paper of record, leading daily circulation.
       Currently, about 20 daily newspapers are published in Portugal, in Lisbon, the capital, as well as in the principal cities of Oporto, Coimbra, and Évora. The major Lisbon newspapers are Diário de Notícias (daily and newspaper of record), Publico (daily), Correia da Manha (daily), Jornal de Noticias (daily), Expresso (weekly), The Portugal News (English language weekly), The Resident (English language weekly), and Get Real Weekly (English language).
       These papers range from the excellent, such as Público and the Diário de Notícias, to the sensationalistic, such as Correio da Manhã. Portugal's premier weekly newspaper is Expresso, founded by Francisco Balsemão during the last years of Marcello Caetano's governance, whose modern format, spirit, and muted criticism of the regime helped prepare public opinion for regime change in 1974. Another weekly is O Independente, founded in 1988, which specializes in political satire. In addition to these newspapers, Portugal has a large number of newspapers and magazines published for a specific readership: sports fans, gardeners, farmers, boating enthusiasts, etc. In addition to the two state-owned TV channels, Portugal has two independent channels, one of which is operated by the Catholic Church. TV programming is now diverse and sophisticated, with a great variety of programs of both domestic and foreign content. The most popular TV programs have been soap operas and serialized novels ( telenovelas) imported from Brazil. In the 1990s, Portugal attempted to produce its own telenovelas and soap operas, but these have not been as popular as the more exotic Brazilian imports.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Media

  • 5 Carvalho, Otelo Saraiva de

    (1934-)
       Army major who planned and managed the military operational aspects of the military coup that overthrew the Estado Novo. A career army officer who entered his profession in the 1950s, he held important positions in several of the colonial wars in Portugal's African territories during 1961-74. Saraiva de Carvalho was born in Mozambique in 1934, and made it his life's ambition to become a stage actor. In his career, he was influenced by service with Portugal's most senior army officer, General Antônio de Spínola, who served the Estado Novo both as commissioner and commanding general of armed forces in the colony of Guinea- Bissau. Contact with African nationalist elements, as well as familiarity with increasi ngly available Marxist-Leninist literature both in Africa and in Portugal, transformed Saraiva de Carvalho into a maverick and revolutionary who sought to overthrow the Portuguese dictatorship at home by means of military intervention in politics through the Revolution of 25 April 1974.
       Known as "Otelo" (Othello) in the media and to much of the Portuguese public, Saraiva de Carvalho played a significant role in the period of 25 April 1974-25 November 1975, when the country experienced a leftist revolution and a trend toward a dictatorship of the Left. Eventually the head of COPCON, the Armed Forces Movement's special unit for enforcing "law and order" and for ensuring that the government was not overthrown by military insur-rectionism, Saraiva de Carvalho became a political personality in his own right. This somberly handsome figure became the darling of the radical Left, including anarchist factions.
       With the swing of the political pendulum away from the radical Left after the abortive leftist coup of 25 November 1975, Carvalho's military career was ended and his role in politics shifted. He was dismissed from the COPCON command, arrested, and held in prison for a period. After his release, he entered the political wilderness, unhappy that the unorthodox Marxist-Leninist revolution he envisioned for Portugal, was not happening. Still carrying the torch for the notion of a "Socialist paradise" in which the state would play only a small role, the hero of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 reentered politics and ran for president of the republic on two occasions. In 1976, he received a respectable 16 percent of the vote, but in the 1981 elections his vote was negligible. Accused of involvement in several terrorist factions' conspiracies and violence, Carvalho was arrested and imprisoned. After a long and sensational trial, "Otelo" was released and acquitted. Of all the memoirs of the 1974 Revolution, Alvorada em Abril (Reveille in April), his contribution, was the most charming and revealing.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Carvalho, Otelo Saraiva de

  • 6 INTRODUCTION

       For a small country perched on the edge of western Europe but with an early history that began more than 2,000 years ago, there is a vast bibliography extant in many languages. Since general reference works with bibliography on Portugal are few, both principal and minor works are included. In the first edition, works in English, and a variety of Portuguese language works that are counted as significant if not always classic, were included. In the second and third editions, more works in Portuguese are added.
       It is appropriate that most of the works cited in some sections of the bibliograpy are in English, but this pattern should be put in historical perspective. Since the late 1950s, the larger proportion of foreign-language works on Portugal and the Portuguese have been in English. But this was not the case before World War II. As a whole, there were more studies in French, with a smaller number in German, Italian, and Spanish, than in English. Most of the materials published today on all aspects of this topic continue to be in Portuguese, but English-language works have come to outnumber the other non-Portuguese language studies. In addition to books useful to a variety of students, a selection of classic works of use to the visitor, tourist, and foreign resident of Portugal, as well as to those interested in Portuguese communities overseas, have been included.
       Readers will note that publishers' names are omitted from some Portuguese citations as well as from a number of French works. There are several reasons for this. First, in many of the older sources, publishers no longer exist and are difficult to trace. Second, the names of the publishers have been changed in some cases and are also difficult to trace. Third, in many older books and periodicals, printers' names but not publishers were cited, and identifying the publishers is virtually impossible.
       Some recommended classic titles for beginners are in historical studies: José Hermano Saraiva, Portugal: A Companion History (1997); A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal (1976 ed.), general country studies in two different historical eras: Sarah Bradford, Portugal (1973) and Marion Kaplan, The Portuguese: The Land and Its People (2002 and later editions); political histories, Antônio de Figueiredo, Portugal: Fifty Years of Dictatorship (1975) and Douglas L. Wheeler, Republican Portugal: A Political History ( 1910-1926) (1978; 1998). On Portugal's Revolution of 25 April 1974 and contemporary history and politics: Kenneth Maxwell, The Making of Portuguese Democracy (1995); Phil Mailer, The Impossible Revolution (1977); Richard A. H. Robinson, Contemporary Portugal: A History (1979); Lawrence S. Graham and Douglas L. Wheeler (eds.), In Search of Modern Portugal: The Revolution and Its Consequences (1983); Lawrence S. Graham and Harry M. Makler (eds.), Contemporary Portugal: The Revolution and its Antecedents (1979). On contemporary Portuguese society, see Antonio Costa Pinto (ed.), Contemporary Portugal: Politics, Society, Culture (2003).
       Enduring works on the history of Portugal's overseas empire include: C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825 (1969 and later editions); and Bailey W. Diffie and George Winius, The Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580 (1977); on Portugal and the Age of Discoveries: Charles Ley (ed.), Portuguese Voyages 1498-1663 (2003). For a new portrait of the country's most celebrated figure of the Age of Discoveries, see Peter Russell, Prince Henry 'The Navigator': A Life (2000). A still useful geographical study about a popular tourist region is Dan Stanislawski's Portugal's Other Kingdom: The Algarve (1963). A fine introduction to a region of rural southern Portugal is José Cutileiro's A Portuguese Rural Society (1971).
       Early travel account classics are Almeida Garrett, Travels in My Homeland (1987) and William Beckford, Recollections of an Excursion to the Monasteries of Alcobaca and Batalha (1969 and later editions). On travel and living in Portugal, see Susan Lowndes Marques and Ann Bridge, The Selective Traveller in Portugal (1968 and later editions); David Wright and Patrick Swift, Lisbon: A Portrait and Guide (1968 and later editions); Sam Ballard and Jane Ballard, Pousadas of Portugal (1986); Richard Hewitt, A Cottage in Portugal (1996);
       Ian Robertson, Portugal: The Blue Guide (1988 and later editions); and Anne de Stoop, Living in Portugal (1995). Fine reads on some colorful, foreign travellers in Portugal are found in Rose Macauley, They Went to Portugal (1946 and later editions) and They Went to Portugal Too (1990). An attractive blend of historical musing and current Portugal is found in Paul Hyland's, Backing Out of the Big World: Voyage to Portugal (1996); Datus Proper's The Last Old Place: A Search through Portugal (1992); and Portugal's 1998 Nobel Prize winner in Literature, José Sarmago, writes in Journey through Portugal (2001).
       For aspects of Portuguese literature in translation, see Aubrey F. G. Bell, The Oxford Book of Portuguese Verse (1952 edition by B. Vidigal); José Maria Eça de Queirós, The Maias (2007 and earlier editions); and José Sara-mago's Baltasar and Blimunda (1985 and later editions), as well as many other novels by this, Portugal's most celebrated living novelist. See also Landeg White's recent translation of the national 16th century epic of Luis de Camóes, The Lusiads (1997). A classic portrait of the arts in Portugal during the country's imperial age is Robert C. Smith's The Art of Portugal, 1500-1800 (1968).
       For those who plan to conduct research in Portugal, the premier collection of printed books, periodicals, and manuscripts is housed in the country's national library, the Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, in Lisbon. Other important collections are found in the libraries of the major universities in Coimbra, Lisbon, and Oporto, and in a number of foundations and societies. For the history of the former colonial empire, the best collection of printed materials remains in the library of Lisbon's historic Geography Society, the Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Lisbon; and for documents there is the state-run colonial archives, the Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, in Restelo, near Lisbon. Other government records are deposited in official archives, such as those for foreign relations in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, housed in Necessidades Palace, Lisbon.
       For researchers in North America, the best collections of printed materials on Portugal are housed in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; New York Public Library, New York City; Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois; and in university libraries including those of Harvard, Yale, Johns Hopkins, Brown, Indiana, Illinois, University of California at Los Angeles, University of California - Berkeley, University of California - Santa Barbara, Stanford, Florida State, Duke, University of New Hampshire, Durham, University of Toronto, University of Ottawa, McGill, and University of British Columbia. Records dealing with Portuguese affairs are found in U.S. government archives, including, for instance, those in the National Archives and Record Service (NARS), housed in Washington, D.C.
       BIBLIOGRAPHIES
       ■ Academia Portuguesa de História. Guia Bibliográfica Histórica Portuguesa. Vol. I-?. Lisbon, 1954-.
       ■ Anselmo, Antônio Joaquim. Bibliografia das bibliografias portuguesas. Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1923.
       ■ Bell, Aubrey F. G. Portuguese Bibliography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922.
       ■ Borchardt, Paul. La Bibliographie de l'Angola, 1500-1900. Brussels, 1912. Chilcote, Ronald H., ed. and comp. The Portuguese Revolution of 25 April 1974. Annotated bibliography on the antecedents and aftermath. Coimbra: Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, Universidade de Coimbra, 1987. Cintra, Maria Adelaide Valle. Bibliografia de textos medievais portugueses. Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Filolôgicos, 1960.
       ■ Costa, Mário. Bibliografia Geral de Moçambique. Lisbon, 1945. Coutinho, Bernardo Xavier da Costa. Bibliographie franco-portugaise: Essai d'une bibliographie chronologique de livres français sur le Portugal. Oporto: Lopes da Silva, 1939.
       ■ Diffie, Bailey W. "A Bibliography of the Principal Published Guides to Portuguese Archives and Libraries," Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies. Nashville, Tenn., 1953. Gallagher, Tom. Dictatorial Portugal, 1926-1974: A Bibliography. Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1979.
       ■ Gibson, Mary Jane. Portuguese Africa: A Guide to Official Publications. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1967. Greenlee, William B. "A Descriptive Bibliography of the History of Portugal." Hispanic American Historical Review XX (August 1940): 491-516. Gulbenkian, Fundação Calouste. Boletim Internacional de Bibliografia Luso-Brasileira. Vol. 1-15. Lisbon, 1960-74.
       ■ Instituto Camoes. Faculdade de Letras da Universidade De Coimbra. Repertorio Bibliografico da Historiografia Portuguesa ( 1974-1994). Coimbra:
       ■ Instituto Camoes; Universidade de Coimbra, 1995. Junta De Investigações Científicas Do Ultramar. Bibliografia Da Junta De Investigações Científicas Do Ultramar Sobre Ciências Humanas E Sociais. Lisbon: Junta de Investigações Científicas Do Ultramar, 1975. Kettenring, Norman E., comp. A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations on Portuguese Topics Completed in the United States and Canada, 1861-1983.
       ■ Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1984. Kunoff, Hugo. Portuguese Literature from Its Origins to 1990: A Bibliography Based on the Collections at Indiana University. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1994.
       ■ Laidlar, John. Lisbon. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 199. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 1997.. Portugal. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 71, rev. ed. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 2000.
       ■ Lomax, William. Revolution in Portugal: 1974-1976. A Bibliography. Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1978.
       ■ McCarthy, Joseph M. Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde Islands: A Comprehensive Bibliography. New York: Garland, 1977.
       ■ Moniz, Miguel. Azores. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 221. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 1999.
       ■ Nunes, José Lúcio, and José Júlio Gonçalves. Bibliografia Histórico-Militar do Ultramar Portugües. Lisbon, 1956. Pélissier, René. Bibliographies sur l'Afrique Luso-Hispanophone 1800-1890.
       ■ Orgeval, France: 1980. Portuguese Studies. London. 1984-. Annual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Newsletter. No. 1-23 (1976-90). Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Review. Vols. 1-9 (1991-2001). Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal. Semi-Annual.. Vols. 10- (2002-). Durham, N.H.: Trent University; Peterborough, Ontario, Canada.
       ■ Rocha, Natércia. Bibliografia geral da Literatura Portuguesa para Crianças. Lisbon: Edit. Comunicação, 1987.
       ■ Rogers, Francis Millet, and David T. Haberly. Brazil, Portugal and Other Portuguese-Speaking Lands: A List of Books Primarily in English. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968.
       ■ Silva, J. Donald. A Bibliography on the Madeira Islands. Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1987.
       ■ Teixeira, Carlos, and G. Lavigne. Os portugueses no Canadá: Uma bibliografia ( 1953-1996). Lisbon: Direção-Geral dos Assuntos Consulares e Comunidades Portuguesas, 1998.
       ■ University of Coimbra, Faculty of Letters. Bibliografia Anual de História de Portugal. Vol. 1. [sources published beginning in 1989- ] Coimbra: Grupo de História; Faculdade de Letras; Universidade de Coimbra, 1992-.
       ■ Unwin, P. T. H., comp. Portugal. World Bibliographical Series, Vol. 71. Oxford, U.K.: ABC-Clio Press, 1987.
       ■ Viera, David J., et al., comp. The Portuguese in the United States ( Supplement to the 1976 Leo Pap Bibliography). Durham, N.H.: International Conference Group on Portugal, 1990.
       ■ Welsh, Doris Varner, comp. A Catalogue of the William B. Greenlee Collection of Portuguese History and Literature and the Portuguese Materials in the Newberry Library. Chicago: Newberry Library, 1953.
       ■ Wiarda, Iêda Siqueira, ed. The Handbook of Portuguese Studies. Washington, D.C.: Xlibris, 2000.
       ■ Wilgus, A. Curtis. Latin America, Spain & Portugal: A Selected & Annotated Bibliographical Guide to Books Published 1954-1974. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1977.
       ■ Winius, George. "Bibliographical Essay: A Treasury of Printed Source Materials Pertaining to the XV and XVI Centuries." In George Winius, ed., Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journeys from the Medieval toward the Modern World, 1300-ca. 1600, 373-401. Madison, Wis.: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1995.
       ■ PERIODICALS RELATING TO PORTUGAL
       ■ Africana. Oporto. Semiannual.
       ■ Africa Report. New York. Monthly or bimonthly.
       ■ Africa Today. Denver, Colo. Quarterly.
       ■ Agenda Cultural. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Almanaque do Exército. Lisbon, 1912-40.
       ■ American Historical Review. Washington, D.C. Quarterly.
       ■ Anais das Bibliotecas e Arquivos. Lisbon. Annual.
       ■ Análise do sector público administrativo e empresarial. Lisbon. Quarterly. Análise Social. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Anglo-Portuguese News. Monte Estoril and Lisbon. 1937-2003. Biweekly and weekly.
       ■ Antropológicas. Oporto. 1998-. Semiannual. Anuário Católico de Portugal. Lisbon. Annual.
       ■ Archipélago. Revista do Instituto Universitário dos Açores. Punta Delgado. Semiannual. Architectural Digest. New York. Monthly. Archivum. Paris. Quarterly. Arqueologia. Oporto. Annual.
       ■ Arqueólogo Portugües, O. Lisbon. 1958-. Semiannual Arquivo das Colónias. Lisbon. 1917-33. Arquivo de Beja. Beja. Annual. Arquivo Histórico Portuguez. Lisbon.
       ■ Arquivos da Memória. Lisbon. 1997-. Semiannual.
       ■ Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugües [Fundação Gulbenkian, Paris]. Paris. Annual.
       ■ Avante! Lisbon. Portuguese Communist Party. Daily. Biblos. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa. Lisbon Quarterly; Bimonthly.
       ■ Boletim de Estudos Operários. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Boletim do Arquivo Histórico Militar. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Boletim do Instituto Histórico da Ilha Terceira. Angra do Heroismo, Terceira, Azores Islands. Semiannual. Boletim Geral do Ultramar. Lisbon. Bracara Augusta. Braga. Brigantia. Lisbon. 1990-. Semiannual.
       ■ British Bulletin of Publications on Latin America... Portugal and Spain. London. 1949-. Semiannual. British Historical Society of Portugal. Annual Report and Review. Lisbon. Brotéria. Lisbon. Quarterly. Bulletin des Etudes Portugaises. Paris. Quarterly.
       ■ Cadernos de Arqueologia. Braga. Semiannual and annual. Monographs.
       ■ Cadernos do Noroeste. Braga, University of Minho. Semiannual.
       ■ Camões Center Quarterly. New York.
       ■ Capital, A. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Clio. Lisbon. 1996-. Annual.
       ■ Clio-Arqueologia. Lisbon. 1983-. Annual.
       ■ Colóquio/ Artes. Lisbon. Gulbenkian Foundation. Quarterly.
       ■ Colóquio/ Letras. Lisbon. Gulbenkian Foundation. Quarterly.
       ■ Conimbriga. Coimbra.
       ■ Cultura. London. Quarterly.
       ■ Democracia e Liberdade. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Dia, O. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Diário da Câmara de Deputados. Lisbon. 1911-26.
       ■ Diário de Lisboa. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Diário de Notícias. Lisbon. Daily newspaper of record.
       ■ Diário do Governo. Lisbon. 1910-74.
       ■ Diário do Senado. Lisbon. 1911-26.
       ■ Documentos. Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril. Coimbra. Quarterly.
       ■ E-Journal of Portuguese History. Providence, R.I. Quarterly.
       ■ Economia. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Economia e Finanças. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Economia e Sociologia. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Economist, The. London. Weekly magazine.
       ■ Estratégia Internacional. Lisbon.
       ■ Estudos Contemporâneos. Lisbon.
       ■ Estudos de economia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Estudos históricos e económicos. Oporto. Semiannual.
       ■ Estudos Medievais. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Estudos Orientais. Lisbon, 1990. Semiannual.
       ■ Ethnologia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Ethnologie Française. Paris. Quarterly.
       ■ Ethnos. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ European History Quarterly. Lancaster, U.K., 1970-. Quarterly.
       ■ Expresso. Lisbon. 1973-. Weekly newspaper.
       ■ Facts and Reports. Amsterdam. Collected press clippings.
       ■ Financial Times. London. Daily; special supplements on Portugal.
       ■ Finisterra. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Flama. Lisbon. Monthly magazine.
       ■ Garcia de Orta. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Gaya. Oporto. Semiannual.
       ■ Hispania. USA. Quarterly.
       ■ Hispania Antiqua. Madrid. Semiannual.
       ■ Hispanic American Historical Review. Chapel Hill, N.C. Quarterly. História. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Iberian Studies. Nottingham, U.K. Quarterly or Semiannual.
       ■ Indicadores económicos. Lisbon. Bank of Portugal. Monthly. Ingenium. Revista da Ordem dos Engenheiros. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ International Journal of Iberian Studies. London and Glasgow, 1987-. Semiannual.
       ■ Illustração Portugueza. Lisbon. 1911-1930s. Magazine. Instituto, O. Coimbra. Annual.
       ■ Itinerário. Leiden (Netherlands). 1976-. Semiannual. Jornal, O. Lisbon. Weekly newspaper. Jornal de Letras, O. Lisbon. Weekly culture supplement. Jornal do Fundão. Fundão, Beira Alta. Weekly newspaper. Journal of European Economic History. Quarterly.
       ■ Journal of Modern History. Chicago, Ill. Quarterly.
       ■ Journal of Southern European Society & Politics. Athens, Greece. 1995-. Quarterly.
       ■ Journal of the American Portuguese Culture Society. New York. 1966-81. Semiannual or annual. Ler História. Lisbon. Quarterly. Lisboa: Revista Municipal. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Lusíada: Revista trimestral de ciência e cultura. Lisbon. 1989-. Three times a year.
       ■ Lusitania Sacra. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Luso-Americano, O. Newark, N.J. Weekly newspaper.
       ■ Luso-Brazilian Review. Madison, Wisc. 1964-. Semiannual.
       ■ Lusotopie. Paris. 1995-. Annual.
       ■ Nova economia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Numismática. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Oceanos. Lisbon. Bimonthly.
       ■ Ocidente. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Olisipo. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Ordem do Exército. Lisbon. 1926-74. Monthly.
       ■ Penélope. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Política Internacional. Lisbon. 1990-. Quarterly.
       ■ Portugal. Annuário Estatístico do Ultramar. Lisbon. 1950-74.
       ■ Portugal em Africa. Lisbon. 1894-1910. Bimonthly.
       ■ Portugal socialista. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Portugália. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese & Colonial Bulletin. London. 1961-74. Quarterly. Portuguese Studies. London. 1985-. Annual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Newsletter. Durham, N.H. 1976-90. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese Studies Review. Durham, N.H. 1991-2001; Trent, Ont. 2002-. Semiannual.
       ■ Portuguese Times. New Bedford, Mass. Weekly newspaper.
       ■ Povo Livre. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Primeiro do Janeiro. Oporto. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Quaderni Portoghesi. Rome. 1974-. Semiannual.
       ■ Race. A Journal of Race and Group Relations. London. Quarterly.
       ■ Recherches en Anthropologie au Portugal. Paris. 1995-. Annual.
       ■ República, A. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais. Coimbra. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista da Biblioteca Nacional. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Lisbon. Quarterly. Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Oporto. Semiannual. Revista da Universidade de Coimbra. Coimbra. Quarterly. Revista de Ciência Política. Lisbon. Semiannual. Revista de Ciências Agrárias. Lisbon. Semiannual. Revista de Economia. Lisbon. 1953-. Three times a year. Revista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses. Lisbon. Annual. Revista de Estudos Históricos. Rio de Janeiro. Semiannual. Revista de Guimarães. Guimarães. Semiannual. Revista de História. São Paulo, Brazil. Semiannual. Revista de História Económica e Social. Oporto. Semiannual. Revista de Infanteria. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista Internacional de Estudos Africanos. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Revista Lusitana. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista Militar. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Revista Portuguesa de História. Coimbra. Quarterly.
       ■ Sábado. Lisbon. Weekly news magazine.
       ■ Seara Nova. Lisbon. 1921-. Bimonthly.
       ■ Século, O. Lisbon. Daily Newspaper.
       ■ Selecções do Readers Digest. Lisbon. Monthly.
       ■ Semanário económico. Lisbon. Weekly.
       ■ Setúbal arqueologica. Setúbal. Semiannual.
       ■ Sigila. Paris. 1998-. Semiannual.
       ■ Sintria. Sintra. Annual.
       ■ Sociedade e Território. Revista de estudos urbanos e regionais. Oporto. 1986-. Quarterly.
       ■ Studia. Lisbon. Quarterly.
       ■ Studium Generale. Oporto. Quarterly.
       ■ Tempo, O. Lisbon. Daily newspaper.
       ■ Tempo e o Modo, O. Lisbon. 1968-74. Quarterly.
       ■ Trabalhos de Antropologia E Etnologia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Trabalhos de Arqueologia. Lisbon. Annual.
       ■ Translation. New York. Quarterly.
       ■ Ultramar. Lisbon. 1960-71. Quarterly.
       ■ Veja. São Paulo. Weekly news magazine.
       ■ Veleia. Lisbon. Semiannual.
       ■ Vida Mundial. Lisbon. Weekly news magazine.
       ■ West European Politics. London. Quarterly.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > INTRODUCTION

  • 7 Armed forces

       Although armed force has been a major factor in the development of the Portuguese nation-state, a standing army did not exist until after the War of Restoration (1641-48). During the 18th century, Portugal's small army was drawn into many European wars. In 1811, a combined Anglo-Portuguese army drove the French army of Napoleon out of the country. After Germany declared war on Portugal in March 1916, two Portuguese divisions were conscripted and sent to France, where they sustained heavy casualties at the Battle of Lys in April 1918. As Portugal and Spain were neutral in World War II, the Portuguese Army cooperated with the Spanish army to defend Iberian neutrality. In 1949, Portugal became a founding member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). When the nationalist quest for independence began in Portugal's colonies in Africa ( Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau) in the 1960s, the military effort (1961-74) to suppress the nationalists resulted in an expansion of the Portuguese armed forces to about 250,000.
       Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the number of personnel on active duty in the army, navy, and air force has been greatly reduced (43,200 in 2007) and given a more direct role in NATO. New NATO commitments led to the organization of the Brigada Mista Independente (Independent Composite Brigade), later converted into the Brigada Aero-Transportada. (Air-Transported Brigade) to be used in the defense of Europe's southern flank. The Portuguese air force and navy are responsible for the defense of the Azores-Madeira-Portugal strategic triangle.
       Chronic military intervention in Portuguese political life began in the 19th century. These interventions usually began with revolts of the military ( pronunciamentos) in order to get rid of what were considered by the armed forces corrupt or incompetent civilian governments. The army overthrew the monarchy on the 5 October 1910 and established Portugal's First Republic. It overthrew the First Republic on 28 May 1926 and established a military dictatorship. The army returned to the barracks during the Estado Novo of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. The armed forces once again returned to politics when the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) overthrew the Estado Novo on 25 April 1974. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the armed forces again played a major role in Portuguese politics through the Council of the Revolution, which was composed of the president of the Republic, Chiefs of the general staff, three service chiefs, and 14 MFA officers. The Council of the Revolution advised the president on the selection of the prime minister and could veto legislation.
       The subordination of the Portuguese armed forces to civilian authority began in 1982, when revisions to the Constitution abolished the Council of the Revolution and redefined the mission of the armed forces to that of safeguarding and defending the national territory. By the early 1990s, the political influence of Portugal armed force had waned and civilian control was reinforced with the National Defense Laws of 1991, which made the chief of the general staff of the armed forces directly responsible to the minister of defense, not the president of the republic, as had been the case previously. As the end of the Cold War had eliminated the threat of a Soviet invasion of western Europe, Portuguese armed forces continues to be scaled back and reorganized. Currently, the focus is on modernization to achieve high operational efficiency in certain areas such as air defense, naval patrols, and rapid-response capability in case of terrorist attack. Compulsory military service was ended in 2004. The Portuguese armed forces have been employed as United Nations peacekeepers in East Timor, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Armed forces

  • 8 Economy

       Portugal's economy, under the influence of the European Economic Community (EEC), and later with the assistance of the European Union (EU), grew rapidly in 1985-86; through 1992, the average annual growth was 4-5 percent. While such growth rates did not last into the late 1990s, portions of Portugal's society achieved unprecedented prosperity, although poverty remained entrenched. It is important, however, to place this current growth, which includes some not altogether desirable developments, in historical perspective. On at least three occasions in this century, Portugal's economy has experienced severe dislocation and instability: during the turbulent First Republic (1911-25); during the Estado Novo, when the world Depression came into play (1930-39); and during the aftermath of the Revolution of 25 April, 1974. At other periods, and even during the Estado Novo, there were eras of relatively steady growth and development, despite the fact that Portugal's weak economy lagged behind industrialized Western Europe's economies, perhaps more than Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar wished to admit to the public or to foreigners.
       For a number of reasons, Portugal's backward economy underwent considerable growth and development following the beginning of the colonial wars in Africa in early 1961. Recent research findings suggest that, contrary to the "stagnation thesis" that states that the Estado Novo economy during the last 14 years of its existence experienced little or no growth, there were important changes, policy shifts, structural evolution, and impressive growth rates. In fact, the average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate (1961-74) was about 7 percent. The war in Africa was one significant factor in the post-1961 economic changes. The new costs of finance and spending on the military and police actions in the African and Asian empires in 1961 and thereafter forced changes in economic policy.
       Starting in 1963-64, the relatively closed economy was opened up to foreign investment, and Lisbon began to use deficit financing and more borrowing at home and abroad. Increased foreign investment, residence, and technical and military assistance also had effects on economic growth and development. Salazar's government moved toward greater trade and integration with various international bodies by signing agreements with the European Free Trade Association and several international finance groups. New multinational corporations began to operate in the country, along with foreign-based banks. Meanwhile, foreign tourism increased massively from the early 1960s on, and the tourism industry experienced unprecedented expansion. By 1973-74, Portugal received more than 8 million tourists annually for the first time.
       Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, other important economic changes occurred. High annual economic growth rates continued until the world energy crisis inflation and a recession hit Portugal in 1973. Caetano's system, through new development plans, modernized aspects of the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors and linked reform in education with plans for social change. It also introduced cadres of forward-looking technocrats at various levels. The general motto of Caetano's version of the Estado Novo was "Evolution with Continuity," but he was unable to solve the key problems, which were more political and social than economic. As the boom period went "bust" in 1973-74, and growth slowed greatly, it became clear that Caetano and his governing circle had no way out of the African wars and could find no easy compromise solution to the need to democratize Portugal's restive society. The economic background of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was a severe energy shortage caused by the world energy crisis and Arab oil boycott, as well as high general inflation, increasing debts from the African wars, and a weakening currency. While the regime prescribed greater Portuguese investment in Africa, in fact Portuguese businesses were increasingly investing outside of the escudo area in Western Europe and the United States.
       During the two years of political and social turmoil following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the economy weakened. Production, income, reserves, and annual growth fell drastically during 1974-76. Amidst labor-management conflict, there was a burst of strikes, and income and productivity plummeted. Ironically, one factor that cushioned the economic impact of the revolution was the significant gold reserve supply that the Estado Novo had accumulated, principally during Salazar's years. Another factor was emigration from Portugal and the former colonies in Africa, which to a degree reduced pressures for employment. The sudden infusion of more than 600,000 refugees from Africa did increase the unemployment rate, which in 1975 was 10-15 percent. But, by 1990, the unemployment rate was down to about 5-6 percent.
       After 1985, Portugal's economy experienced high growth rates again, which averaged 4-5 percent through 1992. Substantial economic assistance from the EEC and individual countries such as the United States, as well as the political stability and administrative continuity that derived from majority Social Democratic Party (PSD) governments starting in mid-1987, supported new growth and development in the EEC's second poorest country. With rapid infrastruc-tural change and some unregulated development, Portugal's leaders harbored a justifiable concern that a fragile environment and ecology were under new, unacceptable pressures. Among other improvements in the standard of living since 1974 was an increase in per capita income. By 1991, the average minimum monthly wage was about 40,000 escudos, and per capita income was about $5,000 per annum. By the end of the 20th century, despite continuing poverty at several levels in Portugal, Portugal's economy had made significant progress. In the space of 15 years, Portugal had halved the large gap in living standards between itself and the remainder of the EU. For example, when Portugal joined the EU in 1986, its GDP, in terms of purchasing power-parity, was only 53 percent of the EU average. By 2000, Portugal's GDP had reached 75 percent of the EU average, a considerable achievement. Whether Portugal could narrow this gap even further in a reasonable amount of time remained a sensitive question in Lisbon. Besides structural poverty and the fact that, in 2006, the EU largesse in structural funds (loans and grants) virtually ceased, a major challenge for Portugal's economy will be to reduce the size of the public sector (about 50 percent of GDP is in the central government) to increase productivity, attract outside investment, and diversify the economy. For Portugal's economic planners, the 21st century promises to be challenging.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Economy

  • 9 Spínola, Antônio de

    (1910-1996)
       Senior army general, hero of Portugal's wars of African insurgency, and first president of the provisional government after the Revolution of 25 April 1974. A career army officer who became involved in politics after a long career of war service and administration overseas, Spinola had a role in the 1974 coup and revolution that was somewhat analogous to that of General Gomes da Costa in the 1926 coup.
       Spinola served in important posts as a volunteer in Portugal's intervention in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), a military observer on the Russian front with the Third Reich's armed forces in World War II, and a top officer in the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR). His chief significance in contemporary affairs, however, came following his military assignments and tours of duty in Portugal's colonial wars in Africa after 1961.
       Spinola fought first in Angola and later in Guinea- Bissau, where, during 1968-73, he was both commanding general of Portugal's forces and high commissioner (administrator of the territory). His Guinean service tour was significant for at least two reasons: Spinola's dynamic influence upon a circle of younger career officers on his staff in Guinea, men who later joined together in the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), and Spinola's experience of failure in winning the Guinea war militarily or finding a political means for compromise or negotiation with the Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), the African insurgent movement that had fought a war with Portugal since 1963, largely in the forested tropical interior of the territory. Spinola became discouraged after failure to win permission to negotiate secretly for a political solution to the war with the PAIGC and was reprimanded by Prime Minister Marcello Caetano.
       After his return—not in triumph—from Guinea in 1973, Spinola was appointed chief of staff of the armed forces, but he resigned in a dispute with the government. With the assistance of younger officers who also had African experience of costly but seemingly endless war, Spinola wrote a book, Portugal and the Future, which was published in February 1974, despite official censorship and red tape. Next to the Bible and editions of Luís de Camoes's The Lusi- ads, Spinola's controversial book was briefly the best-selling work in Portugal's modern age. While not intimately involved with the budding conspiracy among career army majors, captains, and others, Spinola was prepared to head such a movement, and the planners depended on his famous name and position as senior army officer with the right credentials to win over both military and civil opinion when and where it counted.
       When the Revolution of 25 April 1974 succeeded, Spinola was named head of the Junta of National Salvation and eventually provisional president of Portugal. Among the military revolutionaries, though, there was wide disagreement about the precise goals of the revolution and how to achieve them. Spinola's path-breaking book had subtly proposed three new goals: the democratization of authoritarian Portugal, a political solution to the African colonial wars, and liberalization of the economic system. The MFA immediately proclaimed, not coincidentally, the same goals, but without specifying the means to attain them.
       The officers who ran the newly emerging system fell out with Spinola over many issues, but especially over how to decolonize Portugal's besieged empire. Spinola proposed a gradualist policy that featured a free referendum by all colonial voters to decide between a loose federation with Portugal or complete independence. MFA leaders wanted more or less immediate decolonization, a transfer of power to leading African movements, and a pullout of Portugal's nearly 200,000 troops in three colonies. After a series of crises and arguments, Spinola resigned as president in September 1974. He conspired for a conservative coup to oust the leftists in power, but the effort failed in March 1975, and Spinola was forced to flee to Spain and then to Brazil. Some years later, he returned to Portugal, lived in quiet retirement, and could be seen enjoying horseback riding. In the early 1980s, he was promoted to the rank of marshal, in retirement.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Spínola, Antônio de

  • 10 Costa Gomes, Francisco da

    (1914-2001)
       Career military officer, key personality, and authority in transition from dictatorship to democracy, and president of the republic. Born in the remote, poor, Trás-Os-Montes district, Costa Gomes was trained as an army officer and gained experience and promotions in many postings in Portugal's overseas empire from Macau, China, to Angola and Mozambique. As a lieutenant colonel in the post of undersecretary of the army in April 1961, he was implicated in a military coup plot to overthrow Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. Although he was fired, Costa Gomes rebuilt his bridges, was promoted to brigadier general in 1964, and soon was appointed to important commands in the colonial wars in Portuguese Africa: first in Mozambique (1965-69) and then in Angola (1970-72). In September 1972, he returned to Portugal as head of the joint chiefs of staff, a post he kept until he broke with Prime Minister Marcello Caetano in early 1974.
       During the last part of Caetano's governance, General Costa Gomes, in tandem with his senior, more famous and charismatic colleague in arms, General Antônio de Spínola, was involved in activities that led to the organization of a successful military coup on 25 April 1974, which overthrew the 48-year-old Estado Novo. Although younger officers did most of the work organizing this action, Costa Gomes played a key role, including authorizing the publication of the sensational book by General Spínola, Portugal e o Futuro, published only two months before the Revolution of Carnations in February 1974. Spinola's book acknowledged that Portugal had to find a political not a military solution to the wars in her African colonies, and the public reception of the work helped prepare the atmosphere for a bloodless coup.
       After the successful coup by the Armed Forces Movement and the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Costa Gomes was appointed chief of defense staff. When General Spínola resigned in September 1974, Costa Gomes became president, a post he ably filled until June 1976, when General Ramalho Eanes was elected president of the republic. Costa Gomes soon withdrew from the public eye, but in 1981 was promoted to Portugal's highest military rank of marshal.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Costa Gomes, Francisco da

  • 11 Christian Democratic Party

       Established originally as the Centro Democático e Social (CDS) in May 1974, following the fall of the Estado Novo, the CDS was supported by conservatives inspired by Christian humanism and Catholic social doctrines. In the first democratic elections after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which were held on 25 April 1975, the CDS won only a disappointing 7.6 percent of the vote for the Constituent Assembly. In the following general elections for the Assembly of the Republic, in April 1976, however, the party more than doubled its votes to 16 percent and surpassed the number of votes for the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). In 1979-80, the Christian Democrats joined the Social Democratic Party (PSD) in a coalition called the Aliança Democrática (Democratic Alliance), a grouping that defeated the Socialist Party (PS) in the succeeding elections. The Christian Democrats remained in the background as the principal party rivals for power were the PS and the PSD.
       In the 1990s, the CDS altered its name to the Partido Popular (PP) and featured new leaders such as party chief Paulo Portas. While the democratic Portuguese system had become virtually a two-party dominant system by the 1980s and 1990s, the PP would have opportunities, depending upon circumstances, to share power in another coalition with one of the two larger, major parties, the PS or PSD. Indeed, parliamentary election results in March 2002 gave the party just such an opportunity, as the PP won 14 percent of the vote, thus surpassing for the first time since the 1975 elections the PCP, which was reduced to 12 percent of the vote. The PP thus gained new influence as the PSD, which won the largest number of seats in this election, was obliged to share governance with the PP in order to have a working majority in the legislature.
       Various right-wing lobbies and interest groups influenced the PP. In early 2000, the PP proposed a law to the Assembly of the Republic whereby former colonists, now mainly resident in Portugal, who had lost property in Portugal's former colonies of Angola and Mozambique, would be compensated by Portugal for material losses during decolonization. The PP leadership argued that the manner in which the governments after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 administered the disputed, controversial decolonization process in these territories made the government responsible for compensating Portuguese citizens for such losses. The PS-dominated government of then prime minister, Antônio Guterres, argued, however, that independent governments of those former colonies were responsible for any compensation due. Thus, Guterres declined to accept the proposed legislation. This proposal by the PP and others like it followed upon other proposed laws such as Law 20, 19 June 1997, put before the Assembly of the Republic, which was passed under the aegis of the PS. This law pledged to compensate opposition militants (the survivors) who had opposed the Estado Novo and had spent years in exile, as well as in clandestine activities. Such compensations would come in the form of pensions and social security benefits. Given the strength of conservative constituencies and former settlers' lobbies, it is likely that the Christian Democrats will introduce more such proposed laws in future parliamentary sessions.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Christian Democratic Party

  • 12 Social Democratic Party / Partido Social Democrático

    (PSD)
       One of the two major political parties in democratic Portugal. It was established originally as the Popular Democratic Party / Partido Popular Democrático (PPD) in May 1974, following the Revolution of 25 April 1974 that overthrew the Estado Novo. The PPD had its roots in the "liberal wing" of the União Nacional, the single, legal party or movement allowed under the Estado Novo during the last phase of that regime, under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano. A number of future PPD leaders, such as Francisco Sá Carneiro and Francisco Balsemão, hoped to reform the Estado Novo from within, but soon became discouraged. After the 1974 Revolution, the PPD participated in two general elections (April 1975 and April 1976), which were crucial for the establishment and consolidation of democracy, and the party won sufficient votes to become the second largest political party after the Socialist Party (PS) in the number of seats held in the legislature, the Assembly of the Republic. The PPD voting results in those two elections were 26.4 percent and 24.4 percent, respectively.
       After the 1976 elections, the party changed its name from Partido Popular Democrático to Partido Social Democrático (PSD). As political opinion swung from the left to the center and center-right, and with the leadership of Francisco Sá Carneiro, the PSD gained greater popularity and strength, and from 1979 on, the party played an important role in government. After Sá Carneiro died in the air crash of December 1980, he was replaced as party chief and then prime minister by Francisco Balsemão, and then by Aníbal Cavaco Silva. As successors, these two leaders guided the PSD to a number of electoral victories, especially beginning in 1985. After 1987, the PSD held a majority of seats in parliament, a situation that lasted until 1995, when the Socialist Party (PS) won the election.
       The PSD's principal political program has featured the de-Marxi-fication of the 1976 Constitution and the economic system, a free-market economy with privatization of many state enterprises, and close ties with the European Economic Community (EEC) and subsequently the European Union (EU). After the PSD lost several general elections in 1995 and 1999, and following the withdrawal from office of former prime minister Cavaco Silva, a leadership succession crisis occurred in the party. The party leadership shifted from Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa to Manuel Durão Barroso, and, in 2004, Pedro Santana Lopes.
       During 2000 and 2001, as Portugal's economic situation worsened, the PS's popularity waned. In the December 2001 municipal elections, the PSD decisively defeated the PS and, as a result, Prime Minister António Guterres resigned. Parliamentary elections in March 2002 resulted in a Social Democratic victory, although its margin of victory over the PS was small (40 percent to 38 percent). Upon becoming premier in the spring of 2002, then, PSD leader Durão Barroso, in order to hold a slim majority of seats in the Assembly of the Republic, was obliged to govern in a coalition with the Popular Party (PP), formerly known as the Christian Democratic Party (CDS). Although the PSD had ousted the PS from office, the party confronted formidable economic and social problems. When Durão Barroso resigned to become president of the EU Commission, Pedro Santana Lopes became the PSD's leader, as prime minister in July 2004. Under Santana Lopes's leadership, the PSD lost the parliamentary elections of 2005 to the PS. Since then, the PSD has sought to regain its dominant position with the Portuguese electorate. It made some progress in doing so when its former leader, Cavaco Silva, was elected president of the Republic of 2006.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Social Democratic Party / Partido Social Democrático

  • 13 Theater, Portuguese

       There are two types of theater in Portugal: classical or "serious" theater and light theater, or the Theater of Review, largely the Revistas de Lisboa (Lisbon Reviews). Modern theater, mostly but not exclusively centered in Lisbon, experienced an unfortunate impact from official censorship during the Estado Novo (1926-74). Following laws passed in 1927, the government decreed that, as a cultural activity, any theatrical presentations that were judged "offensive in law, in morality and in decent customs" were prohibited. One consequence that derived from the risk of prohibition was that directors and playwrights began to practice self-censorship. This discouraged liberal and experimental theatrical work, weakened commercial investment in theater, and made employment in much theater a risky business, with indifferent public support.
       Despite these political obstacles and the usual risks and difficulties of producing live theater in competition first with emerging cinema and then with television (which began in any case only after 1957), some good theatrical work flourished. Two of the century's greatest repertory actresses, Amélia Rey-Colaço (1898-1990) and Maria Matos (1890-1962), put together talented acting companies and performed well-received classical theater. Two periods witnessed a brief diminution of censorship: following World War II (1945-47) and during Prime Minister Marcello Caetano's government (1968-74). Although Portuguese playwrights also produced comedies and dramas, some of the best productions reached the stage under the authorship of foreign playwrights: Shakespeare, George Bernard Shaw, Arthur Miller, and others.
       A major new phase of Portuguese serious theater began in the 1960s, with the staging of challenging plays by playwrights José Cardoso Pires, Luis Sttau Monteiro, and Bernardo Santareno. Since the Revolution of 25 April 1974, more funds for experimental theater have become available, and government censorship ceased. As in so much of Western European theater, however, the general public tended to favor not plays with serious content but techno-hits that featured foreign imports, including musicals, or homegrown musicals on familiar themes. Nevertheless, after 1974, the theater scene was enlivened, not only in Lisbon, but also in Oporto, Coimbra, and other cities.
       The Theater of Review, or light theater, was introduced to Portugal in the 19th century and was based largely on French models. Adapted to the Portuguese scene, the Lisbon reviews featured pageantry, costume, comic skits, music (including the ever popular fado), dance, and slapstick humor and satire. Despite censorship, its heyday occurred actually during the Estado Novo, before 1968. Of all the performing arts, the Lisbon reviews enjoyed the greatest freedom from official political censorship. Certain periods featured more limited censorship, as cited earlier (1945-47 and 1968-74). The main venue of the Theater of Review was located in central Lisbon's Parque Mayer, an amusement park that featured four review theaters: Maria Vitória, Variedades, Capitólio, and ABC.
       Many actors and stage designers, as well as some musicians, served their apprenticeship in the Lisbon reviews before they moved into film and television. Noted fado singers, the fadistas, and composers plied their trade in Parque Mayer and built popular followings. The subjects of the reviews, often with provocative titles, varied greatly and followed contemporary social, economic, and even political fashion and trends, but audiences especially liked satire directed against convention and custom. If political satire was not passed by the censor in the press or on television, sometimes the Lisbon reviews, by the use of indirection and allegory, could get by with subtle critiques of some personalities in politics and society. A humorous stereotyping of customs of "the people," usually conceived of as Lisbon street people or naive "country bumpkins," was also popular. To a much greater degree than in classical, serious theater, the Lisbon review audiences steadily supported this form of public presentation. But the zenith of this form of theater had been passed by the late 1960s as audiences dwindled, production expenses rose, and film and television offered competition.
       The hopes that governance under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano would bring a new season of freedom of expression in the light theater or serious theater were dashed by 1970-71, as censorship again bore down. With revolution in the offing, change was in the air, and could be observed in a change of review show title. A Lisbon review show title on the eve of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, was altered from: 'To See, to Hear... and Be Quiet" to the suggestive, "To See, to Hear... and to Talk." The review theater experienced several difficult years after 1980, and virtually ceased to exist in Parque Mayer. In the late 1990s, nevertheless, this traditional form of entertainment underwent a gradual revival. Audiences again began to troop to renovated theater space in the amusement park to enjoy once again new lively and humorous reviews, cast for a new century and applied to Portugal today.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Theater, Portuguese

  • 14 Eanes, Antonio Ramalho

    (1935-)
       Career army officer who played an important part in the Armed Forces Movement that organized the Revolution of 25 April 1974, a key figure in the defeat of a leftist military coup in 25 November 1975, and president of the republic during two terms. Eanes was born near Castelo Branco and entered the army school in 1953, at age 18. After promotion to lieutenant in 1957, he served for a period in Portuguese India. He served several tours in Portugal's African wars including Mozambique (1961-64 and 1966-68), Guinea (1969-71), and Angola (January 1974 until 25 April 1974). He participated in the Armed Forces Movement's conspiracy to topple the Estado Novo and later held important posts when the military governed Portugal during the period 1974-75. One key post was as head of the Portuguese Radio and Television system, an important position in the revolution's intense war of words and debates. In the failed leftist coup attempt on 25 November 1975, Eanes, now promoted to lieutenant colonel, played a pivotal role in the triumph of the moderate military party. In December 1975, he was named army chief of staff. General Ramalho Eanes was twice elected and served two full terms as president of the republic, in 1976-81 and 1981-86. In the 1976 presidential elections, Eanes received about 61 percent of the vote and in that of December 1980, 56.4 percent.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Eanes, Antonio Ramalho

  • 15 Cunhal, Álvaro

    (Barreirinhas)
    (1913-2005)
       Leader of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), author, and ideologue. Álvaro Cunhai was a militant of the PCP since the 1930s and was secretary-general from 1961 to 1992. In the midst of Mikail Gorbachev's reforms and perestroika, Cunha refused to alter the PCP's orthodox commitment to the proletariat and Marxism-Leninism. Throughout a long career of participation in the PCP, Cunhal regularly held influential positions in the organization. In 1931, he joined the PCP while a law student in Lisbon and became secretary-general of the Portuguese Communist Youth/Juventude Comunista (JC) in 1935, which included membership in the PCP's central committee. He advanced to the PCP's secretariat in 1942, after playing a leading role in the reorganization of 1940-H that gave the party its present orthodox character. Cunhai dubbed himself "the adopted son of the proletariat" at the 1950 trial that sentenced him to 11 years in prison for communist activity. Because his father was a lawyer-painter-writer and Cunhai received a master's degree in law, his origins were neither peasant nor worker but petit-bourgeois. During his lifetime, he spent 13 years in prison, eight of which were in solitary confinement. On 3 January 1960, he and nine other mostly communist prisoners escaped from Peniche prison and fled the country. The party's main theoretician, Cunhal was elected secretary-general in 1961 and, along with other top leaders, directed the party from abroad while in exile.
       In the aftermath of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 that terminated the Estado Novo and ushered in democracy, Cunhal ended his exile and returned to Portugal. He played important roles in post-1974 political events ranging from leader of the communist offensive during the "hot summer" of 1975, positions of minister-without-portfolio in the first through fifth provisional governments, to his membership in parliament beginning in 1976.
       At the PCP's 14th Congress (1992), Carlos Carvalhas was elected secretary-general to replace Cunhal. Whatever official or unofficial position Cunhal held, however, automatically became an important position within the party. After stepping down as secretary-general, he was elected to head the party's National Council (eliminated in 1996). Many political observers have argued that Cunhal purposely picked a successor who could not outshine him, and it is true that Carvalhas does not have Cunhal's humanistic knowledge, lacks emotion, and is not as eloquent. Cunhai was known not only as a dynamic orator but also as an artist, novelist, and brilliant political tactician. He wrote under several pseudonyms, including Manuel Tiago, who published the well-known Até Amanhã, Camaradas, as well as the novel recently adapted for the film, Cinco Dias, Cinco Noites. Under his own name, he published as well a book on art theory entitled A Arte, O Artista E A Sociedade. He also published volumes of speeches and essays.
       Although he was among the most orthodox leaders of the major Western European Communist parties, Cunhal was not a puppet of the Soviet Union, as many claimed. He was not only a major leader at home, but also in the international communist movement. His orthodoxy was especially useful to the Soviets in their struggle to maintain cohesion in a movement threatened by division from the Eurocommunists in the 1970s. To conclude that Cunhal was a Soviet puppet is to ignore his independent decisions during the Revolution of 25 April 1974. At that time, the Soviets reportedly tried to slow
       Cunhal's revolutionary drive because it ran counter to detente and other Soviet strategies.
       In many ways Cunhal's views were locked in the past. His perception and analyses of modern Portuguese revolutionary conditions did not alter radically from his experiences and analyses of revolutionary conditions in the 1940s. To Cunhal, although some conditions had changed, requiring tactical shifts, the major conflict was the same one that led to the creation of the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform) in 1947. The world was still divided into two camps: American and Western imperialism on one side, and socialism, with its goal to achieve the fullest of democracies, on the other. Cunhal continued to believe that Marxism-Leninism and scientific socialism provide the solutions to resolving the problems of the world until his death in 2005.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Cunhal, Álvaro

  • 16 Political parties

       Portugal's political party system began only in the 19th century, and the first published, distinct political party program appeared about 1843. Under the constitutional monarchy (1834-1910), a number of political groupings or factions took the name of a political figure or soldier or, more commonly until the second half of the century, the name of the particular constitution they supported. For example, some were called "Septembrists," after the group that supported the 1836 (September) Revolution and the 1822 Constitution. Others described themselves as "Chartists" after King Pedro IV's 1826 Charter ( Carta). From the Regeneration to the fall of the monarchy in 1910, the leading political parties were the Regenerators and the Progressists (or Historicals). During the first parliamentary republic (1910-26), the leading political parties were the Portuguese Republican Party or "The Democrats," the Evolutionists, the Unionists, various monarchist factions, the Liberals, and the Nationalists. Small leftist parties were also established or reestablished after the collapse of President Sidónio Pais's New Republic (1917-18), the Socialist Party (PS) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP).
       Under the Estado Novo dictatorship (1926-74), all political parties and civic associations (such as the Masons) were banned in 1935, and the only legitimate political movement allowed was the regime's creature, the União Nacional (1930-74). Various oppositionist parties and factions began to participate in the rigged elections of the Estado Novo, beginning with the municipal elections of 1942 and continuing with general elections for president of the republic or the National Assembly (legislature) in 1945, 1949, 1951, 1958, 1961, 1969, 1972, etc. Among these parties were elements of the Communist Party, remnants of the old Portuguese Republican Party elite and of the old Socialist Party (originally founded in 1875), various workers' groups, and special electoral committees allowed by the regime to campaign during brief preelectoral exercises.
       The Revolution of 25 April 1974 swept away the regime's institutions and ushered in a flood of new political groups. During 1974 and 1975, about 60 new political parties and factions sprung up, but the PCP remained the senior, experienced political party. During the period of fallout and adjustment to the new pluralist, multiparty system of democracy (1974-85), four main political parties became the principal ones and garnered the largest percentage of votes in the many general and municipal elections held between the first free election of 25 April 1975, and the general election of 1985. These parties were the PCP, the PS, the Social Democrat Party (PSD), and the Social Democratic Center Party (CDS) or "Christian Democrats." Until 1985-87, the socialists were ahead in votes, but the social democrats were victorious, with clear majorities in 1987 and 1991. In the general elections of 1995 and 1999, the PS returned to power in the legislature, and in the presidential elections of 1996 and 2001, the victor was the socialist leader Jorge Sampaio. The PSD replaced the socialists in power in the 2002 general election.
        See also Left Bloc.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Political parties

  • 17 Socialist Party / Partido Socialista

    (PS)
       Although the Socialist Party's origins can be traced back to the 1850s, its existence has not been continuous. The party did not achieve or maintain a large base of support until after the Revolution of 25 April 1974. Historically, it played only a minor political role when compared to other European socialist parties.
       During the Estado Novo, the PS found it difficult to maintain a clandestine existence, and the already weak party literally withered away. Different groups and associations endeavored to keep socialist ideals alive, but they failed to create an organizational structure that would endure. In 1964, Mário Soares, Francisco Ramos da Costa, and Manuel Tito de Morais established the Portuguese Socialist Action / Acção Socialista Português (ASP) in Geneva, a group of individuals with similar views rather than a true political party. Most members were middle-class professionals committed to democratizing the nation. The rigidity of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) led some to join the ASP.
       By the early 1970s, ASP nuclei existed beyond Portugal in Paris, London, Rome, Brussels, Frankfurt, Sweden, and Switzerland; these consisted of members studying, working, teaching, researching, or in other activities. Extensive connections were developed with other foreign socialist parties. Changing conditions in Portugal, as well as the colonial wars, led several ASP members to advocate the creation of a real political party, strengthening the organization within Portugal, and positioning this to compete for power once the regime changed.
       The current PS was founded clandestinely on 19 April 1973, by a group of 27 exiled Portuguese and domestic ASP representatives at the Kurt Schumacher Academy of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Bad Munstereifel, West Germany. The founding philosophy was influenced by nondogmatic Marxism as militants sought to create a classless society. The rhetoric was to be revolutionary to outflank its competitors, especially the PCP, on its left. The party hoped to attract reform-minded Catholics and other groups that were committed to democracy but could not support the communists.
       At the time of the 1974 revolution, the PS was little more than an elite faction based mainly among exiles. It was weakly organized and had little grassroots support outside the major cities and larger towns. Its organization did not improve significantly until the campaign for the April 1975 constituent elections. Since then, the PS has become very pragmatic and moderate and has increasingly diluted its socialist program until it has become a center-left party. Among the party's most consistent principles in its platform since the late 1970s has been its support for Portugal's membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Union (EU), a view that clashed with those of its rivals to the left, especially the PCP. Given the PS's broad base of support, the increased distance between its leftist rhetoric and its more conservative actions has led to sharp internal divisions in the party. The PS and the Social Democratic Party (PSD) are now the two dominant parties in the Portuguese political party system.
       In doctrine and rhetoric the PS has undergone a de-Marxification and a movement toward the center as a means to challenge its principal rival for hegemony, the PSD. The uneven record of the PS in general elections since its victory in 1975, and sometimes its failure to keep strong legislative majorities, have discouraged voters. While the party lost the 1979 and 1980 general elections, it triumphed in the 1983 elections, when it won 36 percent of the vote, but it still did not gain an absolute majority in the Assembly of the Republic. The PSD led by Cavaco Silva dominated elections from 1985 to 1995, only to be defeated by the PS in the 1995 general elections. By 2000, the PS had conquered the commanding heights of the polity: President Jorge Sampaio had been reelected for a second term, PS prime minister António Guterres was entrenched, and the mayor of Lisbon was João Soares, son of the former socialist president, Mário Soares (1986-96).
       The ideological transformation of the PS occurred gradually after 1975, within the context of a strong PSD, an increasingly conservative electorate, and the de-Marxification of other European Socialist parties, including those in Germany and Scandinavia. While the PS paid less attention to the PCP on its left and more attention to the PSD, party leaders shed Marxist trappings. In the 1986 PS official program, for example, the text does not include the word Marxism.
       Despite the party's election victories in the mid- and late-1990s, the leadership discovered that their grasp of power and their hegemony in governance at various levels was threatened by various factors: President Jorge Sampaio's second term, the constitution mandated, had to be his last.
       Following the defeat of the PS by the PSD in the municipal elections of December 2001, Premier Antônio Guterres resigned his post, and President Sampaio dissolved parliament and called parliamentary elections for the spring. In the 17 March 2002 elections, following Guterres's resignation as party leader, the PS was defeated by the PSD by a vote of 40 percent to 38 percent. Among the factors that brought about the socialists' departure from office was the worsening post-September 11 economy and disarray within the PS leadership circles, as well as charges of corruption among PS office holders. However, the PS won 45 percent of the vote in parliamentary elections of 2005, and the leader of the party, José Sócrates, a self-described "market-oriented socialist" became prime minister.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Socialist Party / Partido Socialista

  • 18 Freitas do Amaral, Diogo

    (1941-)
       Legal scholar and teacher, jurist, civil servant, and politician. Born in Povoa de Varzim, Freitas do Amaral's father became a member of parliament in the Estado Novo's National Assembly. A superb student, the young Freitas do Amaral studied law at the Law Faculty, University of Lisbon, and became the top law student and protégé of Professor Marcello Caetano, who in 1968 was selected to replace an ailing Antônio de Oliveira Salazar as prime minister. Freitas do Amaral received his doctorate in law in the late 1960s and remained close to his former law professor, who was now prime minister. In his scholarship on the history of Portuguese law, as well as in his political and social ideology as a conservative, Freitas do Amaral in many respects remained a student, protégé, and follower of Caetano through the period of Caetano's premiership (1968-74) and into the era of the Revolution of 25 April 1974. More than 20 years later, Freitas do Amaral published his memoirs, which focused on the 1968-74 political era, O Antigo Regime E A Revolução. Memórias Políticas ( 1941-75). This personal portrait of Caetano's tribulations as a sometimes reluctant, well-prepared but probably inappropriately selected national leader remains an invaluable primary source for historical reconstruction.
       During the early months after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Freitas do Amaral entered politics and became a founder of the right-wing Christian Democratic Party (CDS). He served as the party's leader to 1985 and again from 1988 to 1991, and was a member of parliament, the Assembly of the Republic, from 1975 to 1983 and from 1992 to 1993. When the Democratic Alliance, of which the CDS was a part, won elections in 1979-80, Freitas do Amaral served as deputy prime minister and minister of defense and, when Francisco de Sá Carneiro died in a mysterious air crash, Freitas do Amaral briefly served as interim prime minister. He was a candidate for the presidency in the 1986 presidential election, although he lost to Mário Soares. In 1995, he served as President of the United Nations General Assembly. As a European federalist who disagreed with the CDS Euroskeptic line followed by Paulo Portas, Freitas do Amaral broke with his party and resigned from it. Although he was usually regarded as a right-winger, Freitas do Amaral backed the Social Democratic Party in the 2002 Assembly of the Republic elections. Disillusioned with the government's policies and critical of its endorsement of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003, Freitas do Amaral shifted his support to the Socialist Party in the 2005 election. The new prime minister José Sôcrates named Freitas do Amaral minister of foreign affairs in the XVII Constitutional Government, but the senior jurist and politician resigned after a year in office, for health reasons.
       After many years as a law professor at the New University of Lisbon, in 2007, Freitas do Amaral delivered a final public lecture and retired from academia. He is the author of a biography of King Afonso I, a play, and of various legal and juridical studies and is considered the most eminent living scholar in the fields of administrative and constitutional law.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Freitas do Amaral, Diogo

  • 19 Portuguese Communist Party

    (PCP)
       The Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) has evolved from its early anarcho-syndicalist roots at its formation in 1921. This evolution included the undisciplined years of the 1920s, during which bolshevization began and continued into the 1930s, then through the years of clandestine existence during the Estado Novo, the Stalinization of the 1940s, the "anarcho-liberal shift" of the 1950s, the emergence of Maoist and Trotskyist splinter groups of the 1960s, to legalization after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 as the strongest and oldest political party in Portugal. Documents from the Russian archives have shown that the PCP's history is not a purely "domestic" one. While the PCP was born on its own without Soviet assistance, once it joined the Communist International (CI), it lost a significant amount of autonomy as CI officials increasingly meddled in PCP internal politics by dictating policy, manipulating leadership elections, and often financing party activities.
       Early Portuguese communism was a mix of communist ideological strands accustomed to a spirited internal debate, a lively external debate with its rivals, and a loose organizational structure. The PCP, during its early years, was weak in grassroots membership and was basically a party of "notables." It was predominantly a male organization, with minuscule female participation. It was also primarily an urban party concentrated in Lisbon. The PCP membership declined from 3,000 in 1923 to only 40 in 1928.
       In 1929, the party was reorganized so that it could survive clandestinely. As its activity progressed in the 1930s, a long period of instability dominated its leadership organs as a result of repression, imprisonments, and disorganization. The CI continued to intervene in party affairs through the 1930s, until the PCP was expelled from the CI in 1938-39, apparently because of its conduct during police arrests.
       The years of 1939-41 were difficult ones for the party, not only because of increased domestic repression but also because of internal party splits provoked by the Nazi-Soviet pact and other foreign actions. From 1940 to 1941, two Communist parties struggled to attract the support of the CI and accused each other of "revisionism." The CI was disbanded in 1943, and the PCP was not accepted back into the international communist family until its recognition by the Cominform in 1947.
       The reorganization of 1940-41 finally put the PCP under the firm control of orthodox communists who viewed socialism from a Soviet perspective. Although Soviet support was denied the newly reorganized party at first, the new leaders continued its Stalinization. The enforcement of "democratic centralism" and insistence upon the "dictatorship of the proletariat" became entrenched. The 1940s brought increased growth, as the party reached its membership apex of the clandestine era with 1,200 members in 1943, approximately 4,800 in 1946, and 7,000 in 1947.
       The party fell on hard times in the 1950s. It developed a bad case of paranoia, which led to a witch hunt for infiltrators, informers, and spies in all ranks of the party. The lower membership figures who followed the united antifascist period were reduced further through expulsions of the "traitors." By 1951, the party had been reduced to only 1,000 members. It became a closed, sectarian, suspicious, and paranoiac organization, with diminished strength in almost every region, except in the Alentejo, where the party, through propaganda and ideology more than organizational strength, was able to mobilize strikes of landless peasants in the early 1950s.
       On 3 January 1960, Álvaro Cunhal and nine other political prisoners made a spectacular escape from the Peniche prison and fled the country. Soon after this escape, Cunhal was elected secretary-general and, with other top leaders, directed the PCP from exile. Trotskyite and Maoist fractions emerged within the party in the 1960s, strengthened by the ideological developments in the international communist movement, such as in China and Cuba. The PCP would not tolerate dissent or leftism and began purging the extreme left fractions.
       The PCP intensified its control of the labor movement after the more liberal syndical election regulations under Prime Minister Mar- cello Caetano allowed communists to run for leadership positions in the corporative unions. By 1973, there was general unrest in the labor movement due to deteriorating economic conditions brought on by the colonial wars, as well as by world economic pressures including the Arab oil boycott.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the PCP enjoyed a unique position: it was the only party to have survived the Estado Novo. It emerged from clandestinity as the best organized political party in Portugal with a leadership hardened by years in jail. Since then, despite the party's stubborn orthodoxy, it has consistently played an important role as a moderating force. As even the Socialist Party (PS) was swept up by the neoliberal tidal wave, albeit a more compassionate variant, increasingly the PCP has played a crucial role in ensuring that interests and perspectives of the traditional Left are aired.
       One of the most consistent planks of the PCP electoral platform has been opposition to every stage of European integration. The party has regularly resisted Portuguese membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and, following membership beginning in 1986, the party has regularly resisted further integration through the European Union (EU). A major argument has been that EU membership would not resolve Portugal's chronic economic problems but would only increase its dependence on the world. Ever since, the PCP has argued that its opposition to membership was correct and that further involvement with the EU would only result in further economic dependence and a consequent loss of Portuguese national sovereignty. Further, the party maintained that as Portugal's ties with the EU increased, the vulnerable agrarian sector in Portugal would risk further losses.
       Changes in PCP leadership may or may not alter the party's electoral position and role in the political system. As younger generations forget the uniqueness of the party's resistance to the Estado Novo, public images of PCP leadership will change. As the image of Álvaro Cunhal and other historical communist leaders slowly recedes, and the stature of Carlos Carvalhas (general secretary since 1992) and other moderate leaders is enhanced, the party's survival and legitimacy have strengthened. On 6 March 2001, the PCP celebrated its 80th anniversary.
        See also Left Bloc.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Portuguese Communist Party

  • 20 Twenty-eighth of May

       During the Estado Novo (1926-74), 28 May was an important national holiday celebrated by the regime as marking the day of the 1926 military coup led by General Gomes da Costa, which overthrew the first parliamentary republic. During that 48-year period, the regime employed this celebration as a means to impress the citizenry with its armed strength and support, show solidarity among regime stalwarts, and unify regime ranks. Traditionally, the regime organized a military parade in Lisbon on the major Avenida de Liberdade, from Praça Pombal to Praça Rossio. In regime propaganda, 28 May symbolized the beginning of the so-called "National Revolution" of the conservative, nationalist, corporatist authoritarian system led by Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar and later by Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, until it was overthrown in 1974.
        See also Revolution of 25 april 1974; Twenty-fifth of April.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Twenty-eighth of May

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